With the increasing commonality of divorce
involving children, a pattern of abnormal behaviour has emerged
that has received little attention. The present paper defines
the
Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syndrome. Specific
nosologic criteria are provided with abundant clinical examples.
Given the lack of scientific data available on the disorder,
issues of classification, etiology, treatment, and prevention
appear ripe for investigation.
INTRODUCTION
A divorced man gains custody of his children
and his ex-wife burns down his home. A woman in a custody battle
buys a cat for her offspring because her divorcing husband is
highly allergic to cats. A mother forces her children to sleep
in a car to "prove" their father has bankrupted them. These
actions illustrate a pattern of abnormal behavior that has
emerged as the divorce rate involving children has grown.
Today, half of all marriages will end in
divorce (Beal
and Hochman, 1991). The number of children involved in
divorce has grown dramatically (e.g.,
Hetherington and Arastah, 1988) as well. While the majority
of such cases are "settled" from a legal perspective, outside
the courtroom the battle continues.
The media has spent considerable effort
raising public awareness about the problem posed by divorced
fathers who do not provide court ordered child support payments.
Hedges (1991) has noted that less than 20% of divorced fathers
provide child support payments three years after their divorce.
Research on the decline of women's economic status following
divorce (e.g., Hernandez, 1988; Laosa, 1988) has contributed to
recent legislation to address the "Deadbeat Dad" problem.
While the media correctly portrays the
difficulties imposed upon women and children by the "Deadbeat
Dad" phenomenon, the cameras have yet to capture the warfare
waged by a select group of mothers against child support paying,
law abiding fathers. Every day, attorneys and therapists are
exposed to horror stories in which vicious behaviors are lodged
against innocent fathers and children. Unfortunately, there are
no scientific data on the subject. Similarly, the clinical
literature has relatively ignored the problem.
A notable exception can be found in the
clinical writings of Gardner (1987, 1989) who has provided
excellent descriptions of the Parental Alienation Syndrome.
Here, a custodial parent successfully engages in a variety of
maneuvers to alienate the child from the non-residential parent.
Once successfully manipulated, the child becomes "...preoccupied
with deprecation and criticism of a parent-denigration that is
unjustified and/or exaggerated" (Gardner, 1989 p. 226). In the
typical case of Parental Alienation Syndrome, both mother and
child engage in an array of abnormal actions against the rather.
Gardner views "brainwashing" as a concept "too narrow" (Gardner,
1989) to capture the psychological manipulation involved in
turning a child against his/her non-residential parent.
While Gardner's pioneering descriptions of
the Parental Alienation Syndrome provide an important
contribution to our understanding of divorce related child
involved hostilities, the present paper is concerned with a more
global abnormality. As noted in the examples provided in the
beginning of this manuscript, serious attacks on divorcing
husbands take place which are beyond merely manipulating the
children. Further, these actions include a willingness by some
mothers to violate societal law. Finally, there are mothers who
persistently engage in malicious behaviors designed to alienate
their offspring from the father, despite being unable to
successfully cause alienation. In sum, these cases do not meet
the criteria for Parental Alienation Syndrome. Nevertheless,
they portray a serious abnormality.
The purpose of the present paper is to define
and illustrate this more global abnormality with the hope of
generating increased scientific and clinical investigation of
this problem.
DEFINITION
The present section provides a beginning
definition of the
Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syndrome, which has been
derived from clinical and legal cases. As in all initial
proposals, it is anticipated that future research will lead to
greater refinement in the taxonomic criteria. The proposed
definition encompasses four major criteria, as follows:
-
A
mother who unjustifiably punishes her divorcing or divorced
husband by:
- Attempting
to alienate their mutual child(ren) from the father
- Involving
others in malicious actions against the father
- Engaging in
excessive litigation
-
The mother specifically attempts to deny her child(ren):
- Regular
uninterrupted visitation with the father
- Uninhibited
telephone access to the father
- paternal
participation in the child(ren)'s school life and
extra-curricular activities
-
Tile pattern is pervasive and includes malicious acts
towards the husband including:
- Lying to the
children
- Lying to
others
- Violations
of law
-
The disorder is not specifically due to
another mental disorder although a separate mental disorder
may co-exist.
CLINICAL ILLUSTRATIONS
In this section, I will provide clinical
illustrations for each criterion using the reference numbers
provided above. As criteria 1-3 are behavior specific to the
Malicious Mother Syndrome, I will provide a series of clinical
examples. The fourth criterion which addresses the relationship
of the proposed syndrome to other mental disorders, will be
discussed more generally.
Criterion 1A: Alienating the Children
The range of actions taken by a mother to
attempt to alienate her children from their father is
impressive. For example:
One mother lied to her children that she
could no longer buy food because their father had spent all
of their money on women at topless bars.
A doctor's wife forced her 10 year old
son to apply for federally funded free school lunches to
delude the boy that his "daddy has made us poor."
A woman who for years was very close to
the children in a custody battle, was asked by their mother
to give up neutrality and join her campaign against the
father to "dance on his grave." When the friend refused to
give up her neutrality, the mother falsely informed her
children that their father was having an affair with this
woman.
These behaviors, if successful, could lead a
child to not only hate the father but perhaps go years without
seeing him. As Cartwright (1993) has noted: "The goal of the
alienator is crystalline: to deprive the lost parent, not only
of the child's time, but of the time of childhood" (p. 210).
Criterion 1B: Involving Others in Malicious
Actions
The second component of the first major
criterion where the mother attempts to punish the husband,
involves manipulating other individuals to engage in malicious
acts against the father. Examples of this kind are as follows:
During a custody battle, a mother lied to
a therapist about the father's behaviour. The therapist,
having never spoken with the father, appeared as an "expert"
witness to inform the Judge that the mother should be the
primary residential parent and that the father needed to be
in therapy.
One angry mother manipulated teenagers to
leave anonymous threatening notes at the ex-husband's home.
A mother who had lost legal custody of
her child, manipulated a secretary at the child's school to
assist in kidnapping the child.
In the above examples, it is important to
note that the person manipulated by the angry mother has, in a
way, been "alienated" against the divorcing husband. Typically,
the individual "duped" takes on a righteous indignation,
contributing to a rewarding climate for the mother initiating
malicious actions.
Criterion 1C: Excessive Litigation
There is little question that either party in
a divorce or custody proceeding is entitled to appropriate legal
representation and action. Individuals suffering from Divorce
Related Malicious Mother Syndrome, however, attempt to punish
the divorcing husband by engaging in excessive litigation.
A belligerent and unreasonable mother
verbally attacked her ex-husband whenever she saw him. Over
time, his response was to ignore her. She then took him to
court, asking the judge to require the ex-husband to talk
with her.
One mother told a judge that her daughter
was not really her divorcing husband's child.
One woman refused to stop attacking her
ex-husband through the courts despite numerous attorneys
being fired or voluntarily leaving the case. Over a three
year period, seven different attorneys were utilized.
Data exist which can help in determining the
range of excessive litigation. For example, Keel et al. (1988)
report on the frequency of post-divorce litigation in a sample
of 700 families. Their data indicate that only 12.7% of families
file one post-divorce petition to the court, whereas less than
5% file two or more petitions (Keel at al. 1988); less than 1%
file four or more petitions.
Criterion 2A: Denying Regular Visitation
Experts are in relative agreement that
regular and uninterrupted visitation with the non-residential
parent is desirable and beneficial for children, except in
extreme circumstances (Hedges, 1991). In fact, some states, such
as Florida, have laws written to reflect this view (Keane,
1990). Unfortunately, even when the father and children have
legal rights to visitation, individuals with Divorce Related
Malicious Mother Syndrome continue to interfere with it.
A mother who previously attacked her
ex-husband physically during visitation transfers of the
children, refused to provide the children when the
ex-husband had the police attend to monitor exchanges.
When one divorced father arrived to pick
up his children for visitation, the mother arranged for her
and the children to be elsewhere so that the father could
not visit with the children.
One mother had her physically
intimidating boyfriend assault her ex-husband when he came
to pick up his children for visitation.
The President of The Council for Children's
Rights (Washington, D.C.) notes that such alienation is
considered a form of child abuse (Levy, 1992). Unfortunately,
the police typically avoid involving themselves in such
situations. Furthermore, unless a victimized father is
financially capable of returning to court on an ongoing basis,
there is little that can be done to prevent such mothers'
behavior. Finally, even when such cases are brought to trial,
the courts are often inadequate in supporting fathers'
visitation rights (Commission on Gender Bias in the Judicial
System, 1992).
Criterion 2B: Denying Uninhibited Telephone
Access
Given the physical absence of one parent, the
telephone plays an important role in maintaining the bond
between child and non-residential parent. Individuals suffering
from Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syndrome engage in an
array of actions designed to circumvent telephone access.
A father called to speak to his children
and was told that they were not at home when in bet he could
hear their voices in the background.
When one father called to speak with his
children, the mother put him on "hold," informed no one, and
then left him there.
Knowing that the children's father was
away on vacation, one mother encouraged them to leave
several messages on his answering machine to call back
immediately only if he would like some additional visitation
time with his children.
Some fathers find the alienation attempts so
painful and fruitless that they eventually are extinguished from
calling their children; they simply "give up." Placed in a
no-win scenario, the father's "abandonment" (Hedges, 1991)
unfortunately achieves the precise result aimed for by the
individual suffering from Divorce Related Malicious Mother
Syndrome.
Criterion 2C: Denying Participation in
Extra-Curricular Activities
An integral part of the process of
maintaining one's bond with one's child is to participate in
activities that one did before the parents separated. School
plays, team sports, and religious events are just some of the
types of activities of importance. Malicious Mothers frequently
engage in maneuvers designed to prevent participation in these
activities.
One father was deliberately given the
wrong date and time for an important event for the child.
The child was asked by the mother, "I wonder why your father
didn't want to come to see you today"?
One mother refused to provide the father
with any information about any extra-curricular activities
in which the children were engaged.
Prior to a child's soccer game, one
mother told many of the team parents disparaging falsehoods
about the visiting lather. When he came to watch his son's
soccer game, many of these parents looked at him with angry
eyes, refused to talk with him, and walked away when he
moved toward them.
Malicious Mothers who engage in such
behaviors rarely have to face penalties for such actions.
Judges, attorneys, and policemen cannot involve themselves in
every instance of blocked paternal access. Furthermore, most
fathers cannot afford the financial requirements involved. As
such, the cycle of access interference perpetuates itself.
Criterion 3A: Malicious Lying to the
Children
Given their developmental status, children in
a disputed divorce situation are quite vulnerable. When one
parent decides to attack the other by lying to the children,
examples of this type of malicious behavior may include some of
the following.
One divorcing mother told her very young
daughter that her father was "not really" her father even
though he was.
An eight year old girl was forced by her
mother to hand unpaid bills to her lather when he visited
because the mother had falsely told the daughter that the
father had not provided any economic means of support to the
family.
One mother falsely told her children that
their father had repeatedly beat her up in the past.
These examples of malicious lying can be
contrasted with the more subtle maneuvers typically seen in
Parental Alienation Syndrome, such as "virtual allegations"
(Cartwright, 1993). Here, the mother setting up a Parental
Alienation Syndrome may hint that abuse may have occurred,
whereas the individual suffering from Divorce Related Malicious
Mother Syndrome falsely claims that abuse has actually occurred.
Criterion 3B: Malicious Lying to Others
Individuals suffering from Divorce Related
Malicious Mother Syndrome may engage a wide range of other
individuals in their attacks upon the ex-husband. However, with
this particular criterion, the individual with Divorce Related
Malicious Mother Syndrome specifically lies to other individuals
in the belligerency against the father. Some examples include
the following.
One furious mother called the president
of the (1500 employee) workplace of her divorcing husband,
claiming falsely that he was using business property for
personal gain and was abusing their mutual children at his
work locale.
One woman falsely told slate officials
that her ex-husband was sexually abusing their daughter. The
child was immediately taken away from him and his access to
her was denied.
During the course of a custody dispute,
one mother falsely informed the guardian, who was
investigating the parenting skills of each parent, that the
father had physically abused her.
Snyder (1986) has reported on the difficulty
imposed upon legal authorities when confronted with someone who
is an excellent liar. Consistent with research on the inability
of "specialists" to detect lying (Ekman and O'Sullivan, 1991), a
skilled fabricator can be a compelling witness in the courtroom
(Snyder, 1986). While sometimes seen in borderline
personalities, Snyder (1986) notes that
pathological lying (Pseudologia Fantastica) is not
restricted to that particular character disorder.
Criterion 3C: Violating Law to Attack the
Husband
Individuals suffering from
Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syndrome have few if any
boundaries in their campaign against the divorcing husband.
Violations of law are common in many cases, although the laws
broken may be relatively minor. However, in some cases, the
violations of law may be quite serious.
One woman deliberately drove her
automobile into the house of her ex-husband where their
mutual children resided.
In the midst of a custody battle, one
woman broke into the residence of her divorcing husband and
stole important business papers.
An angry divorcing mother called a
Christian evangelical television station and pledged $1000,
giving the name, address, and phone number of her divorcing
Jewish husband as the pledgee.
The above descriptions may remind the reader
of certain personality disorders (e.g., antisocial, borderline,
sadistic) but these behaviors may be demonstrated by individuals
with Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syndrome who do not appear
to meet official diagnostic criteria for an Axis II disorder.
Further, in each of the four examples provided above, none of
the Malicious Mothers involved was sentenced for such behavior
by a Judge.
Criterion 4: Not Due to Another Disorder
In assessing the Divorce Related Malicious
Mother Syndrome, it is important to note that many of the above
clinical examples seem to have occurred in individuals who had
no prior mental disorder diagnosis or treatment. In fact, one
mother who engaged in extreme maliciousness toward her divorcing
husband had several mental health professionals testify that she
was not suffering from any type of mental disorder. Clearly, it
would seem that individuals who have Divorce Related Malicious
Mother Syndrome may or may not have a concomitant mental
disorder.
In the author's experience, for each mental
disorder that might come to mind to account for some of this
behavior, an exceptional case presents. For example, in some
cases an Adjustment Disorder might seem an appropriate
diagnosis, yet one woman still denied her ex-husband visitation
10 years after the divorce. Other cases might suggest a
possibility of a personality disorder diagnosis, yet one woman
who repeatedly violated the law in attacking her ex-husband,
received no personality disorder diagnosis despite being
evaluated by masters level and doctoral level examiners. In some
instances, Intermittent Explosive Disorder might be considered,
yet the anger for many of the mothers does not appear to be
intermittent.
Finally, the reader should appreciate that
while diagnostic accuracy for certain psychiatric difficulties
is not as good as one would like (e.g., the personality
disorders, see Turkat, 1990), the problem is compounded in
family law where incompetent mental health examiners sometimes
become involved in the judicial process (Turkat, 195)3).
Clearly, the relationship between Divorce Related Malicious
Mother Syndrome and other mental disorders is a complex one
which requires significant investigation.
DISCUSSION
The above description of the
Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syndrome raises a variety
of important clinical, legal, and scientific issues.
From a clinical perspective, families that
involve a
Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syndrome are subject to
serious episodes of stress and distress. Yet, there is no
scientific evidence on how to treat this phenomenon. It is
particularly compromised by the fact that many of these cases
that appear to meet the proposed diagnostic criteria deny that
there is anything wrong with them.
An additional difficulty is that many
therapists are unaware of this pattern of malicious behavior
(Heinz and Heinz, 1993). As such, there are therapists who are
"fooled" by such cases and, as noted earlier, will come to court
testifying that there is nothing wrong with the mother involved.
From a legal perspective, there are some
attorneys who may unintentionally encourage this type of
behavior (Gardner, 1989). On the other hand, there are some
attorneys who deliberately encourage such behavior, as the
financial rewards for them are time dependent. In other words,
the more involved the litigation process, the greater the
profits for the attorney (Grotman
and Thomas, 1990). However, even for the subset of attorneys
for whom this may be true, there is a point of diminishing
returns. Furthermore, independent of economic considerations,
many who become involved with family law courtrooms find that
these types of cases are not handled well (Greif, 1985; Levy,
1992).
The woman who is not disturbed "enough" to
lose custody of her children in the courtroom will not have
money denied to her because she engages in this behavior; nor
will she go to jail. Thus, many clients report significant
frustration when they and their children are exposed to this
type of behavior, and the courts seem to do little if anything
about.
In a review of pertinent law literature on
bias against men in family law proceedings, Tillitski (1992)
concluded that there is widespread discrimination. This is well
illustrated by one family law Judge's statement that, "I ain't
never seen the calves follow the bulls, they always follow the
cow; therefore, I always give custody to the mamas" (Commission
on Gender Bias in the Judicial System, 1992 p. 742). Similarly,
it is noted that visitation rights of fathers are not enforced
as rigidly as are child support orders (Commission on Gender
Bias in the Judicial System, 1992). Such bias against men in
family law proceedings results in a unique group of fathers who
unintentionally become relatively helpless victims of the system
(Tillitski, 1992). This situation would seem to reinforce much
of the vicious behavior displayed by women suffering from
Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syndrome.
The issue of sex distribution of the disorder
certainly needs to be addressed. The overwhelming majority of
custodial parents are female (Commission on Gender Bias in the
Judicial System, 1992). Gardner (1989) has noted that Parental
Alienation Syndrome appears most commonly in females, although
it is possible for a male who has custody of the children to
engage in the same type of alienating behaviors. The author's
experience with Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syndrome is
similar to Gardner's. However, the present writer has yet to see
a case of a father engaging in all of the criteria listed. This
does not mean that it is not possible for there to be a
"Malicious Father" Syndrome. In fact, Shepard (1992) reports
that there is significant abuse of some custodial mothers by
non-residential fathers. On the other hand, it should be noted
that there are females who are required to pay chiltl support,
but we have yet to heara about "Deadbeat Moms." Given at the
present time that a case in which the father met all of the
criteria for Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syntlrome has yet
to be documented, it appears advisable to await scientific
evidence to guide issues of nosologic labeling.
How prevalent is the Divorce Related
Malicious Mother Syndrome? The answer is unknown. Gardner (1989)
reports that approximately 90% of all custody battles involve
some aspects of parental alienation. Further, Kressel (1985)
reviewed data indicating that up to 40% of maternal custodians
denied visitation to the ex-husband in order to punish him.
Relatedly, Arditti (1992) reported that 50% of a sample of
divorced fathers (N = 125) indicated that visitation was
interfered with by the mother. While aspects of parental
alienation may be common, it is highly unlikely that such a
percentage of maternal custodians would meet all of the criteria
for Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syndrome.
In regard to incidence, it would appear
through the title of this syndrome that the malicious behavior
is precipitated by the divorce process.
However, this is clearly an empirical
question. While the malicious actions may first be noted during
a divorce process, it is possible that maliciousness may have
been present earlier but undetected. Research on pre-divorce
parental conflict (Enos and Handal, 1986) supports this
speculation. Relatedly, it may also be that there are some cases
of pre-existing mental disorder that have not been discovered
until the stress of the divorce itself unfolds.
Finally, it should be noted that research on
the nature of post-divorce family functioning is beginning to
emerge. Some data exist on the role of parental conflict in
children's postdivorce functioning (e.g., Frost and Pakiz, 1990;
Furstenberg et al., 1987; Healy, Malley and Stewart, 1990; Kudek,
1988), but studies have yet to appear on the more extreme cases
of Parental Alienation Syndrome and Divorce Related Malicious
Mother Syndrome.
The Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syndrome
represents an important societal phenomenon. The disorder
affects children, parents, attorneys, judges, guardians, mental
health professionals, and others. Until this phenomenon is
explored more thoroughly in the scientific and clinical
literature, the problems imposed by individuals suffering from
Divorce Related Malicious Mother Syndrome will continue to
plague us. Hopefully, the present manuscript will stimulate
research so that clinical and legal management guidelines can be
developed.
REFERENCES
Artlitli, J. A. (1992). Factors related to custody, visitation,
and child support for divorced fathers: An exploratory
analysis. J. Div. Remarr. 17: 23-42.
Beal, E. W., and Hockman, D. (1991). Adult Children of
Divorce, Delacorte Press, New York.
Cartwright, D. F. (1993), Expanding the parameters of parental
alienation syndrome. Am. J. Fam. Ther. 21: 205-215.
Commission on Gender Bias in the Judicial System. (1992).
Gender and justice in the courts: A report to the supreme court
of Georgia. Georgia State Univ. Law Rev. 8: 539-807.
Ekman, P., and O'Sullivan, M. (1991). Who can catch a liar?
American Psychologist, 46: 913-920.
Enos, D. M., and Handal, P. J. (1986). The
relation of parental marital status and perceived family
conflict to adjustment in white adolescents. J. Consult. Clin.
Psychol. 54: 820-824.
Frost, A. K., and Pakiz, U. (1990). The
effects of marital disruption on adolescence: Time as a dynamic.
Am. J. Orthopsychiatry 60: 544-555.
Furstenberg, F. F., Morgan, S. P., and
Allison, P. D. (1987). Paternal participation and children's
well being after marital dissolution. Am. Sociological Rev.
52: 695-701.
Gardner, R. A. (1987). The Parental
Alienation Syndrome and the Differentiation Between Fabricated
and Genuine Child Sex Abuse, Creative Therapeutics,
Cresskill, NJ.
Gardner, R. A. (1989). Family Evaluation
in Child Custody Mediation, Arbitration, and Litigation,
Creative Therapeutics, Cresskill, NJ.
Greif, G. L. (1985). Single Fathers,
Lexington Books, Lexington, MA.
Grutman, R., and Thomas, B. (1990).
Lawyers and Thieves. Simon & Schuster, Englewood Cliffs, NJ.
Healy, J. M., Malley, J. E., and Stewart, A.
J. (1900). Children and their fathers after parental separation.
Am. J. Orthopsychiatry 60: 531-543.
Hetherington, E. N., and Arasteh, J. D.
(eds.). (1988). Impact of Divorce, Single Parenting and
Step-Parenting on Children, Lawrence Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ.
Heinz, H. R., and Heinz, S. A. (1993).
Emotional incest: The tragedy of divorcing families. Am. J.
Fam. Law 7: 169-174.
Hernandez, D. J. (1988). The demographics of
divorce and remarriage. In Hetherington, E. M., and Arasteh, J.
D. (eds.), Impact of Divorce, Single Parenting, and
Step-Parenting on Children, Lawrence Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ,
pp. 3-22.
Hodges, W. E (1991). Interventions for
Children of Divorce, (second edition), Wiley, New York.
Keane, G. (1990). Florida Divorce
Handbook, Pineapple Press, Sarasota, FL.
Koel, A., Clark, S. C., Phear, W. P., and
Hauser, B. B. (1988). A comparison of joint and sole legal
custody agreements. In Hetherington, E. M., and Arasteh, J. D.
(eds.), Impact of Divorce, Single Parenting, and
Step-Parenting on Children, Lawrence Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ,
pp. 73-90.
Kressel, K. (1985). The Process of
Divorce, Basic Books, New York.
Kurdek, L. (1988). Custodial mothers'
perceptions of visitation and payment of child support by
non-custodial fathers in families with low and high levels of
pre-separation interparental conflict. J. Appl. Devel.
Psychol. 9: 315-328.
Laosa, L. N. (1988). Ethnicity and single
parenting in the United Stales. In Hetherington, E. M., and
Arasteh, J. D. (eds.), Impact of Divorce, Single Parenting,
and Step-Parenting on Children, Lawrence Erlbaum, Hillsdale,
NJ, pp. 23-49.
Shepard, N. (1992). Child-visiting and
domestic abuse. Child Welfare 71: 357-367.
Snyder, S. (1986). Pseudologia Fantastica in
the borderline patient. Am. J. Psychiatry 143: 1287-1289.
Tillitski C. J. (1992). Fathers and child
custody: Issues, trends, and implications for counseling. J.
Ment. Health Counsel. 14: 351-361.
Turkat I. D. (1990). The Personality
Disorders: A Psychological Approach to Clinical Management,
Pergamon, New York.
Turkal, I. D. (1993). Questioning the mental
health expert's custody report. Am. J. Fam. Law 7:
175-179.
Ira Daniel Turkat, Florida Institute of
Psychology and University of Florida College of Medicine,
1225 Avenida Del Circo, Venice, Florida 34285.